“Like Moths to a Flame”: Dehumanization in the Rwandan Genocide

Week 4, Stage 4: Dehumanization. Case Study: Rwanda.

Please Note: The following blog post contains descriptions and narratives of violence and genocide, as well as an analysis of human behavior relating to sensitive topics, including racism, intolerance, sexual violence, physical violence, death, and genocidal acts. Some images and details may be disturbing or upsetting to readers, including graphic imagery. Please be mindful of the content before continuing.

Visit Mental Health America’s site for information on mental health, getting help, and taking action.

Introduction

The following is part of a series of blog posts concerning genocide and the ten stages of genocide outlined by Gregory H. Stanton. The purpose is not only to raise awareness of the multiple genocides from the past and the present but to provide a set of actions within realistic time constraints that you can take immediately to promote change, prevention, and tolerance. Each week covers a different stage of genocide, with a specific country or region in focus that has or is currently experiencing genocide. It concludes with an analysis of how that stage is or was evident in the featured genocide and what actions can be taken specifically to work against it.

Dehumanization is the fourth stage of genocide.

The case study is Rwanda, with genocide occurring from April 7th, 1994 to July 15th, 1994.

I. Paul Rusesabagina. San Antonio, Texas. April 21, 2024.

From an undisclosed residence in San Antonio, Texas, human rights activist Paul Rusesabagina, now 70 years old, sits poised, polished, and prepared as Christiane Amanpour of CNN introduces him to viewers as they meet remotely by video.

Amanpour’s introduction begins in a similar way that most of Rusesabagina’s introductions — the “real-life hero of Hotel Rwanda,” they say, referring to the 2004 film centered on Rusesabagina’s lifesaving efforts of 1,268 Tutsi refugees from certain death by the Interhamwe during the 100-day genocide.

Interahamwe, translated as “those who attack together,” was a militia that often recruited unemployed young men who banded together, armed with machetes, grenades, and guns as the civil war in Rwanda worsened and in preparation for the country’s ultimate tipping point in April of 1994.

Rusesabagina outsmarted them.

Of the 1,268 Rwandans seeking refuge in his hotel — the Hotel des Mille Collines in Rwandan’s capital of Kigali — all 1,268 survived, uninjured and unharmed. It’s a remarkable story.

However, following the genocide, Rusesabagina found himself at odds with President Paul Kagame, a commander of the Tutsi-led Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), a major party in the Rwandan Civil War which was the larger backdrop in which the genocide took place. They were also the party that ended the genocide with military victory.

Under Kagame’s initial vice presidency and subsequent presidency in 2000, retribution killings of Hutus were commonplace, and attacks back and forth between Hutu refugees in nearby Zaire and Tutsis in Rwanda led to two rebel wars, the first returning Zaire to its former state, which today is one of the quintessential examples of genocide: the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).

Since then, his rule has become increasingly authoritarian, silencing critics and repressing free speech.

However, upon researching the state of Rwanda today, none of this is immediately apparent. Stories of forgiveness, hope, rebirth, camaraderie, and peace are the resounding narratives. Furthermore, armed with the knowledge that Kagame has been accused of, and evidence has pointed to, direct involvement of the RPF in DRC as a means of exploiting the production of cobalt, copper, diamonds, and gold, this sobering reality gives Hotel Rwanda’s theme song, “Million Voices,” an almost ironic touch with the line: “There’s no money, no diamonds, no fortunes / On this planet that can replace Rwanda.”

Except in DRC.

Several years ago, Rusesabagina , after speaking out loudly and publicly against Kagame’s controversial influence and “inciting terror,” was tricked into flying from Dubai to what he thought was Burundi. Instead he landed in the heart of Rwanda again — Kigali, where he was arrested, imprisoned, and found guilty on terrorism charges. He was commuted two years later following international outrage and has since lived in San Antonio as well as Belgium.

Now, Rusesabagina, centered on screen for his interview with CNN, straightens his tie, clears his throat, and listens as the interviewer’s introduction finishes.

“Can you remind us,” Amanpour asks, “what you did 30 years ago during the genocide? How did you do it?”

He explains with seemingly rote memorization the story of rescue, understandably synthesized and simplified for broadcast. But with the knowledge of his kidnapping, his harrowing experience in prison, overcrowded with thousands upon thousands of Hutus who still have not been tried for their crimes in 1994, it’s impossible not to wonder what else lies beneath the surface of his words, and the words of all of Rwanda.

“The killing never stopped,” he says.

Amanpour acts surprised

If the phrase sounds familiar, it was echoed in the first post of this site, in Darfur, when Mariam uttered the same phrase two decades after the genocide in Darfur: “The killing never stopped.”

Researching the country’s history and current political and social landscape is dizzying; Some villainize Kagame; some call him genocidal, while others point to Rusesabagina, and others to vengeful Tutsis, or the U.N., who points to France, who points to the U.S., who forgets what the point even is.

But if there is one element of the 100-day period of genocide that indisputably left a lasting imprint on the minds of Hutus and Tutsis alike in Rwanda, it was the words that came from the airwaves.

“The cockroaches, the snakes, the vermin’‘ the Rwandan radio station would repeat. “Extermination is the only option for subhumans, for cockroaches.”

When Amanpour mentions the words, and utters the phrases — ‘cockroaches’ — you can see the revulsion in Rusesabagina’s eyes. After watching hours of eyewitness testimony, this is the case with every survivor, whether perpetrator or victim. The word has been seared into Rwanda’s worst period of history.

Upon continuing, Rusesabagina is hesitant to voice as loudly his disdain for Kagame while at the same time, he describes the dehumanizing conditions forced upon thousands of cramped prisoners where he spent two and a half years in the prison, eating, he says, “one meal a day, every day, of only beans and corn,” and suggesting that the situation is beyond that of justice and reconciliation, and instead yet another humanitarian crisis.

Changing subjects, Amanpour studies him intently and asks when providing refuge for those who escaped death in Rwanda so many years ago, “How did you know who was there? Hutu? Tutsis? Who they were? How did you know?”

“I did not need to know that they were Hutu or Tutsi,” he responds flatly. “The most important part to know was that they were human beings.”

Amanpour is slightly taken aback.

“I was helping human beings. That is all.”

II. Prisca, Marie-Jeanne, and Concessa. Murambi Memorial. Murambi, Rwanda. April, 2020.

Sunshine is uncommon in Rwanda.

Rains — often in the form of heavy downpours and violent storms — create a fitting atmosphere for much of Rwanda given its dark history. The tropical climate, however, tends to feel pleasant, in part because of its high altitude, one of the many contradictions that exist within the country.

The wettest month is April.

The Rwandan genocide as we know it began on April 7th, 1994, and April 7th exists today as the International Day of Remembrance for the Rwandan Genocide.

Misty, mountainous, and lush with green, expansive forests and hillsides, Rwanda is the smallest country in Africa, yet its population of nearly 7 million gives an illusion of scale.

On June 19th, 1994, the French government, which had previously supplied substantial military support to the Hutu-led and genocidal government of Rwanda, announced that they would organize “safe zones” within certain areas of Rwanda. The plan was called Operation Turquoise.

On the outside, it was meant to save Tutsi lives from the massacres taking place (albeit two months too late for hundreds of thousands), yet what went on inside the French “safe zones” was, at best, unhelpful. At worst, collaborative in favor of Tutsi elimination.

The Tutsi-led Rwandan Patriotic Front, or RPF, was a primary target for France. For those inside Rwandan borders, it became all too obvious that the French were not going to save them, just after they were abandoned by the Belgian and, subsequently, United Nations peacekeeping forces.

“We naively thought that the white man was a savior, that he would bring peace.”

The confession is uttered with resignation in 2020, by Concessa Musabyimana. She, along with Jeanne Murekatete and Prisca Mushimiyimana, have advocated for justice against the French military forces who, according to testimony, made the genocide exponentially worse, especially for Tutsi women.

Allegations of French complicity assert that French soldiers allowed Interahamwe to escape to bordering Zaire (now DRC), to avoid RPF resistance.

For Prisca, Marie-Jeanne, and Concessa, what was supposed to be an act of rescue turned into a worsening nightmare that elevated dehumanization beyond words, beyond the radios.

Toward the end of their visit in 2020, in which the three women re-trace their steps and bear witness to the unimaginable crimes committed against them, they visit the Murambi Memorial, the site where some 50,000 Tutsis were murdered by the Hutu militia. ‘

As part of Operation Turquoise, French soldiers came to Murambi in early July of 1994.

As mist blurs the mountainous terrain around them, the sky highlighting only the rows of former classrooms turned refugee camps in 1994, Concessa and Prisca walk through the entrance gates, holding hands.

Even through a screen, you can see their grip tightening as they walk past the gates, down the manicured path, and into the mist-covered, low-ceilinged rows of buildings that resemble barracks, uniformly spaced on each side of one another. It is an eerie mirror of what one might imagine in a camp like Auschwitz.

“This is where they brought people with their arms and legs cut off with machetes,” Prisca recalls, pointing to one of the first buildings. Inside are shelves full of worn clothing, those of the deceased filling one building and another, then another. “The people…they were crammed into small rooms. Then they’d [the French soldiers] come in and choose which girls they wanted. They’d call us over, shouting, ‘Tutsi, come here!’….we had no choice.”

The memory overwhelms her, and she lowers herself, one knee at a time, to the ground, her head collapsing into her hands as she recalls the brutal rapes that took place there. The other women surround her, caressing her back as she sobs, as if to say, “We know….It’s okay. We know.”

Shortly after, Marie-Jeanne goes on to describe the horror of being captured in a nearby trench after managing to escape machete-wielding Hutu militia who had discovered her and dozens of others. She recalls holding her baby, clinging to him in a desperate attempt to escape, only to be taken down, assaulted with a metal rod repeatedly, to theh point that other Hutu fighters were appalled and begged her assailant to stop. “It’s too much,” they said. “That’s too far.”

She was unable to close her legs afterward, and Hutu left her for dead where she managed to survive for three days before crawling with only her arms to a place of temporary refuge.

The Tutsis, in the eyes of Hutus and even the French, no longer had human faces. They were to be used and discarded like trash.

Eliminated like a virus.

Exterminated like cockroaches.

III. Eugenie Mukeshimana. United Nations Special Panel Discussion on the Prevention of Genocide. New York. January 15, 2014

Six years earlier, in a special event at the United Nations in New York for Holocaust remembrance and genocide prevention, Rwandan genocide survivor Eugenie Mukeshimana spoke to U.N. members with an accent that is warm and motherly, with an expression that is firm and resolute.

Though the speech was given ten years ago, it holds equal relevance today, and it serves as a point of reflection for how far we have or have not come in terms of reducing the “others,” the “them,” to inferiority and subhuman status.

Indeed, the words of Mukeshimana are timeless.

She reflects on her experience growing up as a child in war-torn Rwanda.

The school bus became a playground for bullies who bullied all the Tutsi students on the bus. They came to our faces and said, ‘You are cockroaches. You are a snake. We can kill you right now and nobody will ask about you.’

Later, I would pass these soldiers who were guarding the national radio station. So many soldiers carrying guns. And they said the same thing: ‘Look at them. Where do you come from? What are you doing here? We will get you someday.’ These words that came from soldiers that were supposed to protect me as a citizen of Rwanda…that echoed the bullies I met on the school bus, that equated the same words of Interahamwe militiamen, echoing, chanting: ‘We will exterminate you!’

How did we get there?”

IV. FM 106, Radio Mille Collines (RTLM). Kigali, Rwanda. April 6, 2024.

Radio Mille Collines — Radio of a Thousand Hills — or most commonly, RTLM, was the first to broadcast the news on the evening of April 6th.

RTLM Tape №122

Broadcast 04/06/1994.

“It is 7.35 a.m. here in Kigali. They will be struck misfortune. , they will be struck by misfortune, they will indeed be struck by misfortune…Aren’t they responsible for killing them? However, this moment, at this very minute, people living in Rugunga, themselves are being struck by misfortune this hour, at this moment I am talking about those living over there in Kanogo, those living fact, those living in Mburabuturo, look in the woods of Mburabuturo, at to you! You the in Kanogo, look carefully and see whether there are no Inyenzis inside. Inyenzis inside ….”

With the death of Habyarimana, Hutus in Rwanda, hungry for an opportunity to act on the terror they had already been planning and propagating through 24-hour hate speech on RTLM, signaled the commencement of carnage.

“Cut down the tall trees!” they shouted from the radio, “Cut down the tall trees!” (The Tutsi, despite few differences from Hutus, were often taller, which Hutus aimed to ‘“cut down” with machetes.)

Months before April 6th, young men had been steadily recruited into the Interahamwe. Guns were dispersed freely among them, along with new machetes from China and other weapons for the “self-defense” of Hutu officials.

“The Tutsi,” the broadcast continued, “have killed our president….Cut down the tall trees!”

Despite a lack of any evidence that Tutsis had taken down the plane that killed the president, the Tutsi-led RPF was immediately blamed. In response, the RPF claimed that Hutus in the Rwandan army had staged a coup and killed the president. Shortly before his death, the Arusha Accords, which would allow the Hutu majority and Tutsi minority to rule “side by side” in a peace effort, had been negotiated. On the morning of April 7th, it was clear that peace was no longer viable.

The widespread, inescapable killing began.

Miles of land were covered with dead bodies, with almost no grass or land visible in areas. In one village, at least 600 Tutsi were murdered within less than a single minute. The dramatic and quick turnaround from resentment to genocide within a day was in part so easily accomplished because of the pre-meditated and purposeful campaign of hate spearheaded by RTLM and Radio Rwanda.

Just before the brutality was unleashed, RTLM stated that all listeners were ordered to return to their homes as part of a mandatory curfew for the safety of civilians.

For Tutsi civilians, however, the march home was unknowingly a death march. The curfew was part of an orchestrated plan to make the killings more systematic, easy, and efficient.

Their plan worked.

Within hours, militiamen dispersed, kicked down doors, and shattered windows with their rifles, demanding identity cards that had just years before been assigned to all Rwandans, identifying civilians as Hutu or Tutsi. Here we see the process of the ten stages unfolding, with classification and symbolization weaponized for mass murder. From there, the sound of gunshots, machetes slashed into flesh, and cries of women, children, and men echoed across the otherwise still and silent landscape.

The militia immediately built roadblocks, and any Tutsi or moderate Hutus attempting to escape were butchered, typically in front of their families. Women were raped, and babies were shot and thrown onto piles of unrecognizable corpses on the sides of the road. The rivers soon overflowed with corpses.

As the carnage accelerated, RTLM continued playing, 24 hours per day.

RTLM Tape №010

Broadcast 04/09/1994, 9:40 a.m.

“Notice to all cockroaches listening now: Rwanda belongs to those who defend it. And you, cockroaches, are not real Rwandans. Everybody is up in arms to defeat cockroaches. From our military officers to young people, adults, men, and women. So you understand, cockroaches have no way out. It’s our good luck that there are so few Tutsis in our country. They are no longer at 10% they are now at 8%. So… come and rejoice friends. Cockroaches are no more. Come and rejoice, friends, God is merciful. If we exterminate all the cockroaches, nobody will judge us because we will be the winners.”

Anthemic music soon accompanied the RTLM rhetoric, with words turned to joyful singing, a haunting melody dancing across the misty forests of Rwanda, into the ears of Interahamwe. Into the ears of Tutsis.

RTLM Tape №017

Broadcast 04/18/1994. 10:20 a.m.

“Come and rejoice friends!

Inktanyi have been exterminated.

Come and rejoice friends!

God is merciful!

God is merciful!

We must get rid of them

It’s the only solution.

Sing with me!

Sing with me!”

V. The Language of Genocide

Cockroaches. Vermin. Snakes. Swine.

In the context of tragedy on such a grand scale, it seems insufficient to mention the obvious: Words matter.

In the case of Rwanda, and in the case of all genocides in which the fourth stage is evident, specific words take on new meanings and new purposes. Dehumanization can certainly be a form of hate speech, but at the level of genocide, it is beyond hate. It is methodical, and a tool for a particular crime in the genocidal process: incitement.

In his “Ten Stages of Genocide” document, Gregory Stanton defines the fourth stage and clarifies its role in genocide:

One group denies the humanity of the other group. Members of it are equated with animals, vermin, insects, or diseases. Dehumanization overcomes the normal human revulsion against murder. The powerless group can become so depersonalized that they are given numbers rather than names, as Jews were in the death camps. They are equated with filth, impurity, and immorality. Hate speech fuels the propaganda of official radio, newspapers, and speeches.”

When RTLM was first introduced in 1990, it created a sense of community that was otherwise lacking in Rwanda. It also made news accessible, and opinions permissable. With much of the population illiterate and few with televisions, the radio became, according to Tutsi survivor and memoir writer, a magnetic point of togetherness: bright, warm light, where crowds, families, and groups of like-minded friends would gather, drawn to the airwaves, “like moths to a flame,” unaware of the devastating role it would play in just a few years.

But it’s also insufficient to focus solely on the RTLM broadcasts, particularly because of its late development and introduction into Rwandan society. In fact, deep within the 457-page document produced by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda’s prosecution including specifically the evidence, testimony, and transcripts extracted from RTLM, man of the Chamber examines a recording from December 1993, just months before the genocide officially began, but preceded by decades of civil warfare between Hutus and Tutsis alike. The official response reads as follows:

The Chamber notes that in the RTLM broadcasts highlighted above, there is a complex interplay between ethnic and political dynamics. This interplay was not creatcd by RTLM. It is to some degree a reflection of the history of Rwanda…and the inequality of Hutus often treated as second-class citizens. In light of the history of Rwanda, the Chamber accepts that this was a valid concern about which a need for public discussion was perceived.”

Indeed, the method of execution by Hutu extremists in the genocide suggest a narrative that goes beyond pointing all the blame at RTLM. Rest assured: two of the journalists were jailed and sentenced to life imprisonment by Rwanda’s Criminal Tribunal following the overwhelming evidence that takes up at least 150 pages of the prosecution’s court records.

But dehumanization can take many forms beyond names, beyond words, and beyond hate speech and “animalistic” associations. The particularly violent and horrific sexual assault suffered by Marie-Jeanne at Murambai is an example of this. “Subhuman” is included in Stanton’s definition of this fourth stage of genocide, and more importantly, regardless of the type of dehumanization, they serve the same purpose: to deny the individual of their humanity. This particular form of genocide, which includes physical abuse and a total lack of empathy for the individual, is also referred to as mechanistic dehumanization. And it’s not just evident in Rwanda: it’s a consistent step toward worsening crisis in every genocide. It seems that often, animalistic dehumanization in a verbal sense incites not only genocide, but permission for perpetrators and abusers to commit mechanistic dehumanization in response.

But to return to the point made by the Chamber in Rwanda’s Criminal Tribunal, the “complex interplay between ethnic and political dynamics” is a historical one, even one “in need of public discussion.”

With this in mind, we can return to Eugenie Mukeshimana’s testimony to the United Nations when she recalled the “bullying” of both Hutu militias and other children on her schoolbus calling her a “snake” and a “cockroach” to be exterminated and killed, where “nobody will care.”

Eugenie asks, “How did we get there?”

To understand this, we have to consider the historical roots of ethnic differences in Rwanda, and recognize the uncomfortable and often unpopular reality that, above all, choices throughout history has the potential for great change, or terrible devastation. In order to face this truth, and to advocate and practice real change, we must first face our choices.

VI. From Division to Dehumanization

The ethnic divisions in Rwanda, which culminated in the horrific events of 1994, were not inevitable; they were cultivated over time, deeply rooted in the colonial past and socio-political structures imposed by external powers. The distinctions between the Hutu, Tutsi, and Twa were not always as rigid as they became in the 20th century. In f act, before colonial intervention, these groups were more fluid social categories rather than distinct ethnicities.

In pre-colonial Rwanda, the terms “Hutu” and “Tutsi” were primarily associated with social class rather than ethnicity. The Tutsi were generally cattle herders, a sign of wealth and status, while the Hutu were primarily agriculturalists. The Twa, a much smaller group, were traditionally hunters and potters. These distinctions, while present, were not rigid, and individuals could move between categories based on wealth or marriage. The concept of ethnicity as we understand it today was largely absent from Rwandan society.

Colonial powers, particularly the Belgians, solidified these social distinctions into ethnic divisions, favoring the Tutsi as a “natural aristocracy” based on perceived physical traits. This preferential treatment created a sharp divide, leading to resentment among the Hutu majority. Belgian policies, such as identity cards categorizing Rwandans by ethnicity, further worsened the divisions.

What followed was decades of propaganda, pushing the same, mostly invented agenda, which portrayed the Tutsi as the enemy, eventually justifying extermination. Dehumanization thrives in these environments, in which differences are exaggerated and even exploited to the point where the “other” is no longer seen as human at all. It’s yet another common characteristic observed thus far in every case study of genocide. The reaction to it is what worsens, as we can see with identity cards used to symbolize and discriminate, but later to dehumanize and even organize and plan to murder the Tutsi population.

(Side note: I hope the idea of genocide as a predictable process, and thus a preventable one, is becoming increasingly clear with each case study from Darfur to Rwanda. The stages are by no means independent, nor in the exact sequence presented, but the interplay among them and their escalation in terms of tensions, choices, and actions is almost always similar.)

In Rwanda, the path to dehumanization transformed neighbor against neighbor, enabling the violence seen in 1994. The genocide was not just a product of hatred but of a systematic series of both choices, divisive colonial intervention, and eventually theh stripping away of humanity, rooted in artificially constructed separations that, once established, were weaponized to justify the worst, but most predictable, outcome.

VII. On Prevention and Dehumanization

Dehumanization can take many forms. In Rwanda, we can hear it through RTLM. We can read it through transcripts and letters. We can also expand our definition of it as rape becomes increasingly weaponized in war and differentiate between animalistic and mechanistic.

Now, what do we do about it? What went wrong in Rwanda? What were the choices individuals and groups made along the way, since the initial tensions invented in part by the Belgian colonists to the decision to pick up a machete and kill?

To fight dehumanization and prevent genocide, a “culture of impunity” must come to a decisive end. it is imperative to facilitate a culture of empathy and respect for all human life. Education plays a crucial role in this. Furthermore, media literacy programs can help us critically evaluate information and recognize manipulative propaganda as it happens, instead of in retrospect.

The international community must stay vigilant and responsive to early warning signs of genocide as countries at risk descend further into the stages of worsening danger, such as dehumanization. The international community’s failure to act promptly in Rwanda should be an example for the urgent need for swift and decisive intervention in the face of impending genocide. Unfortunately, this hasn’t been learned as well as one might imagine.

But that can change.

And it starts with us.

VIII. Take Action: Against Dehumanization and Supporting Rwanda

The following are practical, actionable steps that you can take immediately to fight against dehumanization at home and abroad, as well as actions in support of Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo, or DRC.

Report Hate Speech and Discrimination:

Actively report hate speech or discriminatory behavior to relevant authorities or platforms. Support policies and initiatives that combat online and offline hate. Visit stophate.org.

Support Legislation Against Hate Crimes:

Advocate for and support legislation that addresses hate crimes and discrimination. Stay informed about proposed bills and contact legislators to express support. Visit National Coalition of Anti-Violence Programs for information on legislation and what you can do to help.

Create and Share Positive Media:

Develop and share media content (videos, articles, podcasts) that highlights stories of resilience and unity, countering negative stereotypes and above all, promoting human dignity. StoryCorps is a fantastic resource for this, and just might lift you out of a dooms scrolling habit as well.

Promote and Support Media Literacy Programs

Advocate for and support programs that teach media literacy to help people critically analyze news sources and avoid dehumanizing rhetoric. Support initiatives like the News Literacy Project.

Support Local and International NGOs

Contribute to or volunteer with organizations working directly in Rwanda and the DRC, such as Survivors Fund (for Rwandan genocide survivors) or The Carter Center (which works on health and conflict resolution in the DRC). These organizations provide critical support to survivors and work on long-term recovery and peacebuilding efforts.

Promote Fair Trade and Economic Empowerment

Support fair trade initiatives that benefit communities in Rwanda and the DRC. Purchase products from fair trade cooperatives or companies that invest in sustainable development and economic empowerment in these regions. For instance, Rwanda Trading Company offers fair trade coffee that supports local farmers, and DRC-based initiatives work on similar principles for economic development.

IX. President Kagame. Annual UN Broadband Commision. Facebook Headquarters.

In late 2022 and early 2023, M23, the rebel militia force in the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Rwanda under the leadership and presidency of Paul Kagame, faced a series of allegations that were leaked by the United Nations. M23 has been accused of egregious human rights violations historically, as greed for cobalt and other minerals (often used to produce electronics and other technologies consumed primarily in the U.S., though circumvented and denied by companies like Apple and Tesla due to the mining subjecting children to slave labor, sex trafficking, and mass murder.)

It’s not a narrative that fits the smiling photos of Kagame who is often praised as the saviour of Rwanda and the bringer of peace post-1994, or even the U.S. and other international powers who claim to be the face of democracy.

But when RPF pushed out Hutu militias who fled to Zaire (now a part of DRC) in mid-1994, effectively ending the genocide in Rwanda, many refugees seeking an escape from punishment and the prison system that Paul Rusesabagina would eventually be kidnapped into himself, their resentments never stopped. And so as mentioned earlier, the killing…never stopped.

Hutus formed their own militia groups aimed at retaliation against Rwanda, prompting many Tutsi to join the Congolese Army. The result? Two consecutive Congo Wars. And the evolution of M23, one of the most heavily armed, dangerous rebel groups in recent history.

The M23 consists primarily not of Hutus, not of the Congolese Army, and not of the sole bad actors we’re often led to believe exists in an all-good or all-evil binary world, but of Tutsis. And Paul Kagame, despite denial of his participation, is facing increasingly harsh criticism from the U.N. and the international community over the atrocities committed by his own people in DRC under the guise of M23, many of which emulate precisely what happened in Rwanda.

So what does this mean? It’s a rather unsatisfactory ending, I suppose. But it shouldn’t be surprising. This is the way, unfortunately, of all of humanity. Victims often turn into victimizers; the oppressed into oppressors; the wounded into the slaughterers; and it’s important to avoid the mind trap of “Well, they’re all just a mess and that’s their problem then!” Too many are willing to advocate, donate, write representatives, and scream in the streets for a single minority, and when confronted with uncomfortable facts tht those individuals also must be held accountable, advocacy often ends. And it shouldn’t be that way.

Life, human behavior, and the choices we make are nuanced, complicated, and messy. The best we can do is to advocate for the cause, and to stick firmly to it no matter what, ending cycles of impunity. We don’t advocate only for Tutsis because of the 100-day genocide — we advocate to end all dehumanizing behaviors, regardless of who commits it. Any group, any ethnicity, any religion, any minority or nationality — any of these can be both a victim and a perpetrator at different times. And while it’s certianly not our job to fix humanity — it is our obligation, both legally and (hopefully) morally, to educate ourselves, educate others, and protect each other — all of us — from the dangers of a few bad leaders and the dangers of the everyday killer that lurks somewhere deep within all of us, and most importantly — to hold the perpetrators accountable. Every time. No matter what.

X. Eugenie Mukeshimana. United Nations Special Panel Discussion on the Prevention of Genocide. New York. January 15, 2014

As the U.N. listens intently to Eugenie’s story of survival as a young girl, she shifts to a message of action. Specifically, she emphasizes a key element regarding genocide, and why it continues to happen so frequently, often in the same places: a “culture of impunity.”

She admits, humbly, that we “still don’t know” how to stop genocide, and that we don’t even know how to properly punish or prosecute it.

“But there is a way,” she says.

“That way is education. If we cannot change the minds of people who are old today, the people who have their own mentality is set in certain ways, is it possible maybe to save the future generations by educating them? By providing education, investing heavily in education, what are we doing today that is gonna make a child who’s born today 20 years later to behave and look at the world differently?

And it’s not just in Rwanda. It’s everywhere. In what way will the next generation relate differently to the challenges that they’re going to inherit? If we have not invested in them in making sure that they see the world differently? Through a lens of humanity?

I want to remind everyone that we have a chance. We have a chance that my daughter, who is 20, that she won’t have to worry about her own kids witnessing what I witnessed. We have a chance for collective response in a positive way.

A way to change.

A way to humanity.”

To learn more about the genocide in Rwanda and DRC, or the ten stages of genocide, visit genocidewatch.com or The Genocide Archive.

Thank you for reading.

Follow the stages at stagesofchange.org.

References

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